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Tribes’ Statement on Paris Agreement Shows Limits of Tribal Authority

President Donald Trump’s announcement that the United States would pull out of the Paris Climate Accord was far from surprising. After all, the agreement had never been popular with conservatives, and Trump had campaigned against it last fall. In the wake of the president’s announcement, various groups, including environmental organizations, and the states of New York, Washington, and California have announced that they disapprove of the president’s announcement and intend to continue to support the agreement. Four Native American tribes also announced on Friday that “they will continue to uphold and support the Paris Climate Change Agreement (sic).” Although effective as a statement of support, the announcement demonstrates the limits of tribal authority under the American system.

“As sovereign nations, we stand with the countries around the world to support the Paris Climate Change Agreement and we join with them to protect this precious place we all call home,” said Swinomish Tribal Chairman Brian Cladoosby.

In a press release, the tribes explained that, since the U.S. federal government had failed to address the “the urgent and existential threat” of global climate change, it was “a moral and practical necessity for tribal, state, and local governments, in collaboration with average citizens everywhere, to fill the leadership vacuum.” In the statement, they state that addressing climate change falls under tribal authority.

The statement brought together tribes from far-flung reaches of the country. Standing Rock rose to national prominence during the pipeline protests in North Dakota last year. While the other tribes share Standing Rock’s commitment to environmental protection, they are from Washington and Alaska. The Quinault reservation is on the southwestern corner of Washington’s Olympic peninsula, while the central council of the Tlingit and Haida is located in Juneau, Alaska. The Swinomish are a small (less than 1,000 members) tribe in Washington state.

“For hundreds of years the pollution based economy has degraded our home,” Cladoosby continued. “We can no longer allow a failed system to continue to destroy the planet. The Paris Climate Change Agreement reflects the global consensus that we must act together and we must act now.”

The tribes’ statement was supported by the National Congress of American Indians, the oldest association of Native American tribes.

“We will work to ensure that all parties respect, promote, and consider Indigenous peoples’ rights in all climate change actions, as is required by the Paris Agreement,” said NARF Executive Director John Echohawk, executive director of the Native American Rights Fund, in a statement.

The NCAI stresses that native tribes have an intimate knowledge of their surrounding environments which makes them more sensitive to the effects of climate change.

“Through years of tireless effort, the link between traditional knowledge, sustainable development, and cultural resilience is now reflected in the international conversations that take place around climate change policy,” continued Cladoosby.

In the statement, the tribes called on the United Nations to invite other native tribes to make this important commitment to the health of the planet. Significantly, neither the joint statement, nor the statement from NCAI binds the tribal governments to any specific policy changes. In part this reflects the realities of reservation economies, which, in general, do not involve much heavy industry.

Despite this, tribal groups have argued that despite having a negligible carbon footprint, indigenous people are severely impacted by the effects of climate change because of their close relationship to the land.

“Alaska tribal governments are living with the early but significant effects of climate change,” said Richard Peterson, president of the Central Council of Tlingit and Haida Tribes of Alaska. “Our traditional knowledge learned over millennia within our aboriginal lands leaves us with no doubt that immediate action to reduce the impacts of climate change is our duty as sovereign indigenous governments.”

Peterson said that the tribe would participate in the agreement, but did not elaborate on which parts it intended to uphold. Meanwhile, Fawn Sharp, president of the Quinault Indian Nation, tells InsideSources that a national response will be organized next week at the mid-year conference of the National Congress of
American Indians. (Sharp is also vice president of NCAI.) She did not elaborate on the effect supporting the Accords would have on tribal industry.

The Paris Climate Accords imposed strict emissions requirements on signatories. So far, the tribes have not pledged themselves to similar cuts.

While the statements stress that the tribes are “sovereign nations,” this term does not mean that they have the same legal status as a foreign country, like France. The statement exposes the limits of tribal authority. Like any other private organization, tribes can adopt internal policies to promote values they support. Additionally, they are considered governmental entities under American law with authority somewhere between that of a state and a city. Since the 1830s, relationships between tribes and the United States government have been based on the principle that tribes possess a nationhood status and retain inherent powers of self-government and tribal authority.

At the same time, the United States government acknowledges a federal Indian trust responsibility, which encompasses both moral and legal obligations on the part of the government. It also limits tribal authority by granting certain responsibilities to the federal government. The Bureau of Indian Affairs describes this trust responsibility as “a legally enforceable fiduciary obligation on the part of the United States to protect tribal treaty rights, lands, assets, and resources, as well as a duty to carry out the mandates of federal law with respect to American Indian and Alaska Native tribes and villages.”

The various federally-recognized Native American tribes have been granted lands under the terms of various treaties. These areas are generally exempt from state jurisdiction and tribes retain control over taxation, the passage and enforcement of civil and criminal law, licensure, zoning, and other elements of self-governance. Although recognized as tribal nations, they are not considered foreign countries, but rather treated like states.

“Limitations on inherent tribal powers of self-government are few,” explains the Bureau of Indian Affairs, “but do include the same limitations applicable to states, e.g., neither tribes nor states have the power to make war, engage in foreign relations, or print and issue currency.”

According to this understanding of treaty rights, under American law, no Native American tribe would be allowed to sign the Paris Climate Accord, which was negotiated as an international treaty, just as no individual state could sign the treaty. Neither tribal authority nor state government extends to negotiations or treaties.

Tribal governments aren’t the only ones whose climate activism may be unconstitutional. Eugene Kontorovich, a professor at the Northwestern University School of Law, writes that the United States Climate Alliance formed by California, New York, and Washington, may be an impermissible interstate compact.

“The alliance faces some potential constitutional challenges and limitations,” writes Kontorovich. “The Interstate Compacts Clause, article I, section 10, clause 3 provides that ‘no state … may enter into any Agreement or Compact with another State, or with a foreign power,’ without the consent of Congress.”

Calling the Interstate Compacts Clause a “a clear textual limit on state power,” he explains that states forming an “alliance” to achieve the same policy ends that otherwise would be accomplished by the United States government via international treaty “is exactly the kind of side deal the Constitution sought to prevent states from cutting.”

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Can Scott Pruitt and Congress Put Together a Cohesive Energy Plan?

In his first 100 days in office, President Trump took significant steps to make federal environmental policy more friendly to industry, investment, and economic growth. However, opening new federal lands to oil and gas exploration and repealing the Clean Power Plan both were enacted as executive orders. Trump has yet to work with Congress as part of a broader energy plan. Now, more than three months after Inauguration Day, the Congressional calendar is open and ready to consider a cohesive energy plan. The trouble is, no one yet knows what that would look like.

Congressional staffers, speaking at an industry event on Tuesday, said that although Congress had needed time to adjust to the new administration, it was now ready to get to work.

“We have officially emerged from the lull,” said Colin Hayes, majority staff director for the Senate Energy and Natural Resources Committee, who explained that the committee was ready to approve a slate of 38 nominees for positions at the Department of the Interior and the Department of Energy, as well as FERC commissioners, at a hearing on Wednesday. He explained that, since more nominations have been made, hearings can be performed in batches, making them easier to schedule and expediting the overall process.

The appointments are an overdue first step towards moving forward on a cohesive energy plan. During the Obama administration, energy and environmental policy were often determined by administrative rulemaking or in the courts, rather than by Congress. As a result, the country still lacks a cohesive energy plan. Instead, industry is left with uncertainty, as policies like the Paris Agreement may be reversed in a later administration.

According to Rick Kessler, minority staff director for the House Energy and Environment Subcommittees, backing out of the Paris Agreement may meet with some disapproval from industry figures. While opponents of the deal criticize it for delaying implementation of emissions restrictions in China and India until 2030, Kessler argues that the deal succeeded because it brought these countries to the table for the first time.

(ExxonMobil, Chevron, Royal Dutch Shell, and BP also have released statements supporting the deal as a step towards creating a global emissions reduction framework. The companies also have a financial incentive to support the deal, which favors natural gas over coal.)

What would replace the Paris Agreement is an altogether different question. Figures in both industry and government acknowledge that current policy lacks a coherent overall framework, since much of it relies on executive agency enforcement measures interpreting statutes, like the Clean Water Act, which are decades-old. In absence of a legislative policy, approaches to greenhouse gas emissions and renewable energy, among other issues, can vary dramatically from administration to administration.

“I hope Congress will take a more active role evaluating its spectrum of legal authority and what can be done [on these topics], said Tom Hassenboehler, majority staff director for the House Energy and Environment Subcommittees, who noted that the problem with relying on policies dating back decades, was that they were “too susceptible to serious shifts.”

A stronger Congressional role in environmental regulation would dovetail well with EPA Administrator Scott Pruitt’s guiding doctrine of “EPA originalism.” Pruitt emphasizes that under his watch, the agency will return to a clear rulemaking process, a respect for the rule of law, and a stronger role for the states.

“Rule of law matters because at the end of the day it creates certainty,” said Pruitt on Wednesday, explaining that layering industry, state, and federal policies created a “jurisdictional nightmare” that hampered economic development.

In particular, he has spoken about doing away with the “consent-decree” method of enforcement, under which the EPA’s rulemaking power grew dramatically under the Obama administration.

In part, this approach reflects the EPA’s creation in response to chemical contamination crises like Love Canal in the 1970s. Then, the EPA was seen as an emergency response mechanism needed to stop contamination that was an imminent threat to public health.

Today, America’s soil, air, and water are far cleaner than they were in the 1970s, which speaks to the effectiveness of the EPA. At the same time, many of the contaminated sites it was created to fix remain. To Pruitt, the fact that lead and uranium contamination sites have remained on the list for nearly 30 years is unacceptable.

As administrator, Pruitt has made the 1,400 sites on the Superfund list a priority for the agency. He has even gone so far as to request to personally review the plans for any cleanup with a projected cost of $50 million or more. Even so, Superfund provides another example where new legislation could be a marked improvement.

Superfund has its limits. In particular, it lacks a provision for joint and several liability, complicating cleanup for sites which have been owned by multiple different companies over a period of decades. Furthermore, without a means of pre-enforcement review, a company cannot challenge the EPA’s cleanup solution prior to being sued.

Moving beyond the first 100 days, Pruitt has made it clear that Congress needs to step up to provide a cohesive energy plan and to better define the agency’s priorities. While the need is present, what that cohesive energy plan will look like remains to be discussed and debated in the coming weeks.

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